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Friday, August 12, 2022

The HINDU Notes – 12th August 2022

11:52

 


📰 What is the Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022?

How is the recent legislation different from the earlier Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920? What are the main concerns and oppositions against the Act?

•The Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022 provides legal sanction to law enforcement agencies for “taking measurements of convicts and other persons for the purposes of identification and investigation of criminal matters”. It came into effect from August 4.  

•Over the years, the need to amend/update the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 has been voiced several times. In 1980, the 87th Report of the Law Commission of India undertook a review of this legislation and recommended several amendments.

•Multiple concerns have been raised about the new law. One of the main concerns is that unlike the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920, the current law allows for “measurements” to be taken if a person has been convicted/arrested for any offence, including petty offences. The necessity of taking measurements of such persons for investigation of offences is unclear and will probably lead to overburdening of systems used for collection and storage of these “measurements”.

•The story so far: The Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022 provides legal sanction to law enforcement agencies for “taking measurements of convicts and other persons for the purposes of identification and investigation of criminal matters”. While the legislation was enacted earlier this year, the Ministry of Home Affairs notified it to come into effect from August 4, 2022. It also repeals the existing Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920.

What is the use of identification details in criminal trials?

•Measurements and photographs for identification have three main purposes. First, to establish the identity of the culprit against the person being arrested, second, to identify suspected repetition of similar offences by the same person and third, to establish a previous conviction.

What was the previous Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920?

•Even though the police has powers of arrest, mere arrest does not give them the right to search a person. The police requires legal sanction to search the person and collect evidence. These legal sanctions are designed so as to maintain a balance between the rights of an individual and the interests of society in prosecution and prevention of offences.

•The Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 became a necessity when the recording of newer forms of evidence such as fingerprints, footprints and measurements started becoming more accurate and reliable. 

•The Statement of Objectives and Reasons of the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 states that “the value of the scientific use of finger impressions and photographs as agents in the detection of crime and identification of criminals is well known”. It further goes on to state that although lack of legal sanction has not created problems before, there were increasing instances of prisoners refusing to allow their fingerprints or photographs to be recorded. Therefore, “to prevent such refusals in the future …[and] to place the taking of measurements etc which is a normal incident of police work in India, as elsewhere, on a regular footing” it was considered necessary to enact the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920.

What was the need to replace this Act?

•Over the years, the need to amend/update the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 has been voiced several times. In 1980, the 87th Report of the Law Commission of India undertook a review of this legislation and recommended several amendments. This was done in the backdrop of the State of UP vs Ram Babu Misra case, where the Supreme Court had highlighted the need for amending this law. The first set of recommendations laid out the need to amend the Act to expand the scope of measurements to include “palm impressions”, “specimen of signature or writing” and “specimen of voice”. The second set of recommendations raised the need of allowing measurements to be taken for proceedings other than those under the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC).

•The Law Commission Report also notes that the need for an amendment is reflected by the numerous amendments made to the Act by several States. The Minister of Home Affairs, while laying the Criminal Procedure (Identification) Bill, 2022, in the Lok Sabha, observed that with advancements in forensics, there was a need to recognise more kinds of “measurements” that can be used by law enforcement agencies for investigation.

What are the main highlights and differences in both the legislations?

•Like the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920, the new Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022 provides for legal sanction to law enforcement agencies for the collection of measurements. The purpose is to create a useable database of these measurements. While at the State level, each State is required to notify an appropriate agency to collect and preserve this database of measurements, at the national level, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) is the designated agency to manage, process, share and disseminate the records collected at the State level.

What are some of the concerns with the present legislation?

•Since the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 was a colonial legislation, its duplication in the Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022, a post-independence legislation has raised some concerns related to the protection of fundamental rights.

•The legislation comes in the backdrop of the right to privacy being recognised as a fundamental right. A fundamental facet of the right to privacy is protection from the invasion of one’s physical privacy. As per the Puttaswamy judgment, for a privacy intrusive measure to be constitutional, there is a need for the measure to be taken in pursuance of a legitimate aim of the state, be backed by the law and be “necessary and proportionate” to the aim being sought to be achieved. In this case, while the first two tests are satisfied, as “prevention and investigation of crime” is a legitimate aim of the state and “measurements” are being taken under a valid legislation, the satisfaction of the third test of necessity and proportionality has been challenged on multiple counts.

•First, while the need for expansion of the “measurements” that can be taken is well justified, the inclusion of derivative data such as “analysis” and “behavioural attributes” have raised concerns that data processing may go beyond recording of core “measurements”. That is some of these measurements could be processed for predictive policing. While this is a legitimate concern, and purposes for which the “measurements” can be processed need to be better defined, merely recording core measurements without conducting the required forensics on them would severely limit the usability of these “measurements”.

•Second, unlike the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 which provided that “measurements” will be taken for those either convicted or arrested for offences that entail imprisonment of one year or upwards, the current law allows for “measurements” to be taken if a person has been convicted/arrested for any offence, including petty offences. The necessity of taking measurements of such persons for investigation of offences is unclear, and such discretion is likely to result in abuse of the law at lower levels and overburdening of the systems used for collection and storage of these “measurements”. Given that these records will be stored for 75 years from the time of collection, the law has been criticised as being disproportionate.

•It needs to be noted here that the new legislation allows that a person who has been arrested for an offence that is punishable by less than seven years of imprisonment, and is not an offence against women and children, “may not be obliged to allow taking of his biological samples”. This is definitely an improvement over the earlier law which did not allow for any such refusal. It also helps allay concerns of disproportionate collection. However, given the option to not submit for “measurements” is limited to biological samples and is available at the discretion of the police officer, this exception provides restricted relief.

•Another worry expressed by experts is that such collection can also result in mass surveillance, with the database under this law being combined with other databases such as those of the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems (CCTNS).

•Lastly, concerns are being raised that the present law violates the right against self-incrimination enshrined in Article 20(3) of the Constitution of India. However, this argument is nebulous since the Supreme Court has already settled this point. In the State of Bombay vs Kathi Kalu Oghad, the Supreme Court had conclusively held that “non-communicative” evidence i.e. evidence which does not convey information within the personal knowledge of the accused cannot be understood to be leading to self-incrimination. Therefore, no challenge lies to the law on this ground.

What is the way ahead?

•The Opposition has raised objections to a law of such import not being submitted for public consultation or referred to parliamentary standing committees, as was done for the DNA Technology (Use and Application) Regulation Bill, 2019 which has benefited from such scrutiny.

•The Central government has responded to the criticisms of the law stating that privacy and data protection related concerns will be addressed in the Rules formulated under the legislation and through model Prison Manuals that States can refer to.

•The immediate future of this law is unclear. A writ petition has been filed challenging the constitutionality of the law before the Delhi High Court. The court has issued notice to the Central government for filing a reply.

📰 Guillermo Rios is new leader of UNMOGIP

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THE HINDU NEWSPAPER IMPORTANT ARTICLES 12.08.2022

06:27
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Thursday, August 11, 2022

Daily Current Affairs, 11th August 2022

18:09

 


1)  Langya henipavirus found in China

•In China’s Shandong and Henan provinces, 35 persons are thought to have contracted a novel virus called Langya henipavirus. Langya henipavirus shares a connection with viruses that harm people, the Hendra and Nipah viruses. It is not yet known much about the new virus, also known as LayV, particularly whether it spreads from person to person. The novel Langya henipavirus was initially discovered by Chinese researchers who were doing routine surveillance on individuals with fevers who had recently reported interaction with animals. After identifying the virus, the researchers searched for it in additional persons.


2)  Nitish Kumar steps down as CM of Bihar, dissolves coalition with BJP

•Nitish Kumar resigned from the position of chief minister of Bihar, which he had been in an alliance with the BJP. At Raj Bhavan, Nitish Kumar went to see Governor Phagu Chauhan alone before announcing his resignation to the awaiting media. As per the information, Nitish Kumar has presented the governor of Bihar with the signatures of his party’s MLAs and the Mahagathbandhan, and he is hoping for an invitation to form the government once more.


3)  India’s GDP Growth to be fastest in Asia in FY23: Morgan Stanley

•According to analysts at Morgan Stanley, India’s GDP growth will average 7% during this time, which is the strongest among the largest economies, and India will contribute 28% and 22% to both Asian and global growth, respectively. This makes India the fastest-growing Asian economy in the Asian region in 2022–2023. They claimed that due to the release of dormant demand, the Indian economy is poised for its strongest performance in more than a decade.


4)  44th Chess Olympiad: Uzbekistan win gold in Open section, Ukrainian women triumph

•The team Uzbekistan has won the gold medal in the Open section of the 44th Chess Olympiad which concluded. Team Armenia won silver while the India-2 team settled for bronze in Open Section. In the women’s section, Ukraine won the gold medal. Team Georgia won the silver, while the India-1 team won the bronze medal.

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The HINDU Notes – 11th August 2022

13:32

 


📰 The uproar over the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2022

Why are States alleging that the proposed Bill is unconstitutional? Who are the main opponents of the Bill?

•The Union Power Ministry introduced the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2022 in Lok Sabha on August 8.

•The Bill is opposed by farmers’ groups as they fear that the Bill will lead to stopping subsidies and that power distribution will thereafter be under the control of private companies. Opposition parties questioned the Bill on federalist principles as electricity is a subject which comes under the Concurrent List of the Constitution.

•One of main changes in the Bill is the proposal for the Centre’s intervention in the area of power distribution, a domain under the State governments. 

•The story so far: Ignoring the objections of the Opposition, the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) and the trade unions, the Union Power Ministry introduced the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2022 in Lok Sabha on August 8. Union Power Minister R.K. Singh said at the stage of introduction that the Bill could be moved to the Energy Standing Committee of Parliament for broader consultations. “My simple submission is that this entire matter will be discussed in the Standing Committee and the Standing Committee has representatives from all the parties,” Mr. Singh said. The Opposition questioned the introduction of the Bill. They alleged that the Centre is breaching the promise given to SKM that the Bill will not be brought to Parliament. The Opposition MPs said the Bill is not just anti-farmer, but also anti-Constitutional and against the interest of States. The basis of their argument was that the Bill may lead to ending subsidies for farmers and poor consumers.

What is the history of the Bill?

•The Electricity Bill was brought for the first time and passed in Parliament in 2003, when A. B. Vajpayee was the Prime Minister. The intention was to consolidate the laws relating to generation, transmission, distribution, trading and use of electricity. The Act also offered to protect the interest of consumers and supply of electricity to all areas, rationalisation of electricity tariff, transparent policies regarding subsidies etc. The Act resulted in privatisation of distributing companies. It was amended in 2007 by the UPA Government, apparently under pressure from the Left parties. The provisions for “cross subsidy” — ensuring subsidy to poor households was added to the Bill in 2007. There were attempts to amend the Bill further in 2014, 2017, 2018, 2020 and 2021. While the 2014 Bill was cleared by the Standing Committee on Energy, it could not be passed in the House as the Centre wanted to revise it. None of the other draft Bills came to Parliament as the Centre was not satisfied with the primary response it received after consultations with stakeholders. All of those Bills remained in their draft form.

Why is there opposition to the Bill?

•The opposition to the Bill is primarily from farmers’ groups as they fear that the Bill will lead to stopping subsidies and that power distribution will thereafter be under the control of private companies. The workers in the power sector also oppose the Bill citing that privatisation of distribution companies and generating units will result in job losses. When the Central trade unions started a campaign against the Act, the SKM pledged support. The Opposition parties questioned the Bill on federalist principles. RSP MP N. K. Premachandran said in the House that power or electricity is a subject which comes under the Concurrent List of the Constitution, and that the Centre should have consulted the States before bringing the Bill. Congress MP Manish Tewari said the Bill paves way for privatisation of profits and the nationalisation of losses. DMK’s T.R. Baalu asked what will happen to poor farmers who are getting subsidised power in States like Tamil Nadu.

What are the main amendments to the Act?

•Compared to the drafts of 2020 and 2021, the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill of 2022 has a number of changes. The main change among them could be the proposal for the Centre’s intervention in the area of power distribution, a domain under the State governments. Such provisions can be seen in clauses 5, 11, 12, 13, 15 and 23 of the Bill. Clause 5 amends Section 14 of the parent Act that deals with the criteria for electricity distributors. The amendment empowers the Central Government to prescribe the criteria.

•Another clause that causes worry for those who oppose the Bill is Clause 11, which seeks to amend section 42 of the principal Act to facilitate operation of multiple distribution licensees in the same area and to avoid parallel network and optimise usage of the distribution network. Trinamool Congress MP Saugata Roy said such a provision will create a situation similar to the telecom sector where monopoly companies will destroy the public sector and smaller networks.

•Similarly, Clause 13 seeks to amend section 60 of the principal Act to enable management of power purchase and cross subsidy in case of multiple distribution licensees in the same area of supply. It says in case of issuance of licence to more than one distribution licensee in an area of supply, the State Government shall set up a cross subsidy balancing fund which shall be managed by a government company.

What lies ahead?

•The trade unions in the power sector held a one-day strike against the Bill. They are also discussing the possibilities for an indefinite strike. The SKM is also stepping up its agitations. The Energy Standing Committee will soon start its deliberations on the Bill. The panel is currently headed by senior JD(U) MP Rajiv Ranjan Singh Alias Lalan Singh. JD(U) called off its alliance with the BJP on Tuesday. Though the BJP can claim a majority in the committee, the chairman’s stand will be important when Bills like this are taken up for discussion.

📰 COVID-19, arguably, has become endemic in India

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THE HINDU NEWSPAPER IMPORTANT ARTICLES 11.08.2022

09:07
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Wednesday, August 10, 2022

The HINDU Notes – 10th August 2022

15:56

 


📰 Rankings that make no sense

There are glaring flaws in the National Institutional Ranking Framework’s ranking of higher education institutions

•The National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF)’s ranking of higher education institutions (HEIs), released in July, has received considerable flak. The broad parameters on which a HEI is ranked by the NIRF are ‘teaching, learning and resources’, ‘research and professional practice’, ‘graduation outcome’, ‘outreach and inclusivity’, and ‘perception’. Each of them is assigned a specific weightage. HEIs are ranked overall, university-wise, college-wise and also under disciplines such as law, medical, pharmacy, management, architecture, and engineering. To show the contradictions, inconsistencies, and flaws in the NIRF’s methodology, we have taken law as a case in point.

Data fudging

•The NIRF places some private multi-discipline institutions higher than many prestigious national law universities (NLUs) and law departments. It is a fact that students often seek admission into NLUs; private universities and institutions, barring a few, are invariably their last choices. Generally, students who cannot secure a seat in NLUs are admitted to private institutions. Similarly, private universities and institutions are the last choices for those looking for a career in academia. However, the NIRF ranking shows that a private law university scored 100% in perception. If we consider this score, it should have been the most preferred place for students. But the Common Law Admission Test admission choices show a different picture: this institution figures below 10 NLUs as a preferred place to study.

•An analysis of the data submitted by some multi-discipline private universities participating in various disciplines under the NIRF provides evidence of data fudging. There seems to be a lack of a rigorous system of verification by the NIRF of the data submitted by HEIs. For instance, the faculty-student ratio (FSR) is an important criterion for ranking. Evidence suggests that some private multi-discipline universities have claimed the same faculty in more than one discipline. Faculty in liberal arts have been claimed as faculty in law too, to claim an improved FSR. This manipulation defeats the purpose of ranking, especially in the case of single-discipline institutions like the NLUs.

•There are similar instances of data fudging for parameters like financial resources utilisation (spending on library, academic facilities, etc.) by multi-discipline institutions. Enormous funds have been claimed as expenditure on equipment for laboratories by some private multi-discipline institutions which offer law as a subject. But labs are not required for law. An analysis of the 15 top-ranked institutions under law shows that equipment purchased for one department has been claimed in more than one department. In the case of an institution ranked among the top 15 under law, the expenditure on equipment claimed in engineering, law, management, dental, and medical is nearly double the actual amount spent by that institution. Research funding for research projects and consultancy is an essential parameter for ranking. Data show that research grants and consultancy charges received in other disciplines appear to have been claimed as those in law. Another sub-parameter where data fudging by certain universities is discernible is procurement of books for the library and spending on the library.

No transparency

•The NIRF requires the data submitted to it be published by all the participating HEIs on their website so that such data can be scrutinised. Some private multi-discipline universities have not granted free access to such data on their website; instead, they require an online form to be filled along with the details of the person seeking access. Such non-transparency is antithetical to the ranking exercise. There is also discrepancy in the data submitted to the NIRF and the data on the websites of these institutions. For instance, the data uploaded on the websites omit details on the number, name, qualification and experience of the faculty.

•Further, the NIRF applies almost the same parameters to all the institutions across varied disciplines in research and professional practice. In this parameter, data on publications and the quality of publications is taken from the Scopus and Web of Science data bases. While these may be suitable for medical and engineering, they are unsuitable for law. There is a gap between the methodology employed for accreditation purposes and for ranking purposes. While the National Assessment and Accreditation Council gives due weightage to publications in UGC-Care listed journals, the NIRF uses publication data only from Scopus and Web of Science.

•Thus, severe methodological and structural issues in the NIRF undermine the ranking process. The methodology must be revised in consultation with all the stakeholders.

📰 Fair trial goes beyond courts, to the police and media

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THE HINDU NEWSPAPER IMPORTANT ARTICLES 10.08.2022

09:07
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Tuesday, August 09, 2022

Daily Current Affairs, 09th August 2022

19:38

 


1)  International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples: 09 August

•International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples is celebrated on 09th August across the world. The celebration highlights the role of indigenous people and the importance of preserving their rights, communities and knowledge they gathered and passed down over centuries.


International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples 2022: Theme


•The theme of International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples this year is “The Role of Indigenous Women in the Preservation and Transmission of Traditional Knowledge.”


2)  World observed Nagasaki Day on 09th August

•Japan commemorates the 9th of August every year as Nagasaki day. On August 9, 1945, the United States dropped an atomic bomb on Nagasaki, Japan. It was code-named “Fat Man” due to the design of the bomb as it had a wide, round shape. On August 9, 1945, a US B-29 bomber dropped an atomic bomb on the city, killing nearly 20,000 people. The year 2022 will mark the 77th anniversary of the incident and will pay tribute to all those who lost their lives in the attack or were left alive to die slowly in the horrible nuclear radiation.


3)  ASEAN Has Celebrated Its 55th Anniversary In 2022

•External Affairs Minister Dr S. Jaishankar has congratulated ASEAN Member States and the Secretary General on their 55th anniversary. In a tweet, he said, we celebrate 2022 as the ASEAN-India Friendship Year, reaffirming the commitment to the partnership and to ASEAN’s centrality in the Indo-Pacific. The ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) at Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi, organised a panel discussion to celebrate the 55th Anniversary of ASEAN on Monday.


•The theme of this year’s ASEAN Day is “Stronger Together” that invites and welcomes the forward-minded people of ASEAN to come in synchronization and work as a collective to face the challenges of 21st Century. ASEAN symbolizes the spirit of solidarity and peaceful, prosperous and socially responsible ASEAN Community.


4)  12th edition of Defence Expo to be held in Gandhinagar, Gujarat

•The Ministry of Defence has announced that the 12th edition of the Defence Expo, India’s flagship exhibition on Land, Naval and Homeland Security systems, will be held in Gandhinagar, Gujarat. The event will be held between October 18 and 22, 2022. The theme for this edition is ‘Path to Pride’ invoking nationalistic pride and encouraging citizens to partake in nation-building through establishing a capable indigenous Defence industry.


•The five-day event will witness three business days followed by two public days. Live demonstrations showcasing the equipment and skill set of the Armed Forces, DPSUs and Industry will be held on all five days at Sabarmati River Front through active participation and synchronized efforts at all levels, informed the officials.


5)  Gustavo Petro sworn in as first leftist President of Colombia

•Gustavo Petro has been sworn in as the first leftist president of Colombia. The 62-year-old is a former member of Colombia’s M-19 guerrilla group as well as a former senator and mayor of Bogota. He succeeds Ivan Duque. Mr Petro is part of a growing group of leftist politicians and political outsiders who have been winning elections in Latin America since the pandemic broke out. A 2016 peace deal between Colombia’s Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia turned much of the focus of voters away from the violent conflicts playing out in rural areas.


•Gustavo Petro promised to fight inequality and help heralding a turning point in the history of a country haunted by a long war between the government and guerrilla groups. The new President also announced that Colombia will stop granting new licenses for oil exploration and will ban fracking projects, even though the oil industry makes up almost 50 per cent of the nation’s legal exports.


6)  Goa CM Pramod Sawant announced to implement 100% NEP in higher education

•Goa Chief Minister, Pramod Sawant has announced that the state government will implement 100% of the syllabus in higher education institutes along the lines of the National Education Policy (NEP). The implementation of NEP from the college to university level has already started. From the next academic year, a hundred per cent of the syllabus in the higher education institutes would be online with the NEP.


•Sawant also talked about the skills of manpower. He confirmed that Goa has signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with around 35 industry associations in the state who will work on the skill development. The Chief Minister also mentioned the need for two lakh manpower in the hospitality industry over the next five years. The manpower will be trained by the government.


7)  Nitish Kumar resigned as NDA chief minister in Bihar

•Nitish Kumar has submitted his resignation as the NDA chief minister in Bihar to the state governor Phagu Chauhan. He also submitted a support letter of 160 MLAs to stake claims to form a new government. In the 243-member assembly, the BJP has 77 lawmakers and JD (U) 45. The RJD is currently the single-largest party with 79 MLAs, Congress 19 and the CPI(ML)-led Left Front 17.


•Nitish Kumar left for the residence of RDJ patriarch Lalu Yadav’s wife Rabri Devi in Patna to hold talks with Tejashwi Yadav, who is likely to get the deputy chief minister’s post in the new coalition government.


8)  Google launches ‘India Ki Udaan’ to mark 75 years of Independence

•Tech giant, Google has launched ‘India Ki Udaan’ to mark 75 years of Independence. The project has executed by Google Arts & Culture celebrates the country’s achievements and is “themed on the unwavering and undying spirit of India over these past 75 years”. As part of the country-wide celebrations, Google also announced its collaboration with the Ministry of Culture. It was officially launched at a glittering event held at the Sunder Nursery in Delhi in the presence of Union Culture and Tourism Minister G Kishan Reddy and senior officials of the culture ministry and Google.


9)  Indo-Israel Center of Excellence for Vegetables inaugurated

•Israeli experts are providing the Center’s technology as part of the India-Israel Action Plan (IIAP), while MIDH is funding the construction of the Center’s infrastructure for demonstration purposes. On the basis of Israeli innovations, Centers of Excellence (CoEs) are being established in the United States. In order to improve agriculture, the Central and State Governments are collaborating on all fronts, according to Agriculture and Farmers Welfare Minister Narendra Singh Tomar.


10)  Puneeth Rajkumar to be conferred Karnataka Ratna posthumously

•Karnataka Chief Minister, Basavaraj Bommai has announced that Kannada film star Puneeth Rajkumar, who died last year, will be conferred with the ‘Karnataka Ratna’ award posthumously. On November 1, which happens to be Kannada Rajyotsava, the state’s formation day. He will be the 10th recipient of the state’s highest civilian honour.


•Considered the Kannada cinema’s reigning star, Puneeth, the youngest of five children of Kannada matinee idol Dr Rajkumar, died of a cardiac arrest on October 29 at the age of 46. Interestingly, Puneeth’s late father Rajkumar is among the first recipients of the Karnataka Ratna award in 1992, along with poet Kuvempu.

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The HINDU Notes – 09th August 2022

14:43

 


📰 Launch a national tribal health mission

It can be the path to a peaceful health revolution for the 11 crore tribal people in India

•For the first time since independence, a tribal President has become a reality in India. This is a very positive signal given to the tribal people by the Narendra Modi government. On this International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples, let us explore how this symbolic gesture can be turned into a health revolution for the tribal people of India.

•Few people are aware that nearly 11 crore tribal people (enumerated as Scheduled Tribes (ST) in the Census of India (2011) live in India. They constitute 8.6% of India’s population, the second largest number of tribal people in any country in the world. The Prime Minister and the national leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party are aware of this fact, which is one of the reasons why they have chosen a tribal woman for the highest position in the country.

•A study published in The Lancet, titled ‘Indigenous and Tribal Peoples’ Health’ (2016), found that India held the inglorious distinction of having the second highest infant mortality rate for the tribal people, next only to Pakistan. This is not an honourable position.

Findings

•On this day, in 2018, the first national report on the state of India’s tribal people’s health was submitted to the Government of India by the Expert Committee on Tribal Health. The 13-member committee was jointly appointed by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India. I was the Chairman of this committee, with the Additional Secretary and Mission Director of the National Health Mission as the Member Secretary. It took five years of enormous work for the committee to dig out evidence and construct a national picture. The picture was both pathetic and promising. These were some of the few major findings.

•Firstly, tribal people are concentrated in 809 blocks in India. Such areas are designated as the Scheduled Areas. However, the more unexpected finding was that half of India’s tribal population, nearly five and a half crore, live outside the Scheduled Areas, as a scattered and marginalised minority. They are the most powerless.

•Second, the health status of tribal people has certainly improved during the last 25 years as seen in the decline in the under-five child mortality rate from 135 in 1988 in the National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-1 to 57 in 2014 (NFHS-4). However, the percentage of excess of under-five morality among STs compared to others has widened.

•Third, child malnutrition is 50% higher in tribal children: 42% compared to 28% in others.

•Fourth, malaria and tuberculosis are three to 11 times more common among the tribal people. Though the tribal people constitute only 8.6% of the national population, half of the total malaria deaths in India occur among them.

•Fifth, while malnutrition, malaria and mortality continue to plague tribal people, gradually, the more difficult to treat non-communicable diseases such as hypertension and diabetes, and worse, mental health problems such as depression and addiction leading to cancer and suicide, are increasing. These threaten the health and survival of tribal adults.

•Sixth, tribal people heavily depend on government-run public health care institutions, such as primary health centres and hospitals, but there is a 27% to 40% deficit in the number of such facilities, and 33% to 84% deficit in medical doctors in tribal areas. Government health care for the tribal people is starved of funds as well as of human resource. We found them demoralised and inefficient.

•Seventh, there is hardly any participation of the tribal people – locally or at the State or national level – in designing, planning or delivering health care to them.

•The official policy of allocating and spending an additional financial outlay, called Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP), equal to the percentage of the ST population in the State, has been completely flouted by all States. As estimated for 2015-16, annually ₹15,000 crore should be additionally spent on tribal health. No accounts or accountability exist on this. No one knows how much was spent or not spent.

•These issues have persisted as there is no separate data on tribal people’s health, or healthcare or on the money spent.

A road map

•The committee was also asked by the Government of India to prepare a road map for the future, which it did. This road map includes a large number of recommendations, but the three most important broad recommendations are the following. Firstly, launch a National Tribal Health Action Plan with a goal to bring the status of health and healthcare at par with the respective State averages in the next 10 years. Second, the committee suggested nearly 80 measures to address the 10 priority health problems, the health care gap, the human resource gap and the governance problems. Third, the committee suggested allocation of additional money so that the per capita government health expenditure on tribal people becomes equal to the stated goal of the National Health Policy (2017), i.e. 2.5% of the per capita GDP.

•Four years have already passed. The committee presented its report on August 8, 2018, to J.P. Nadda (who was the Health Minister at that time), the Minister of Tribal Affairs, the Secretaries of the two ministries and the Director General of the Indian Council of Medical Research. Mr. Nadda promised that “this historic report will not lie on the shelf. This government will certainly implement it”. The tribal people of India are waiting.

•The Health Minister and the 10 States with a sizable tribal population should take the initiative. The Prime Minister has already signalled his intention by electing a tribal President of India. Let this massive need and the historic opportunity receive an appropriate response. A proposal currently being discussed involves addressing only one disease, the Sickle Cell Disease. Though needed, it will substantially help, at best, five lakh to 10 lakh sickle cell disease patients – merely about 0.5% of the tribal people. The tribal healthcare system is sick, and tribal people need more substantive solutions. We need to move from symbolic gestures to substantive promises, from promises to a comprehensive action plan, and from an action plan to realising the goal of a healthy tribal people.

•If actualised, the Tribal Health Mission can be the path to a peaceful health revolution for the 11 crore tribal people. India needs to demonstrate to them that democracy offers a caring solution to their wounds.

📰 A law, without a flaw

The SC has put unmarried women on an equal footing in availing abortion services

•The most celebrated kind of court judgments are those that eliminate inherent bias vested in a law or rules framed by the government. The Supreme Court’s move last week to set right a rule that was ‘manifestly arbitrary and violative of women’s right to bodily dignity’ fits right into the concept of justice that is free, and without prejudice or favour to any person or group of people. Earlier, the apex court in its wisdom, facilitated the abortion (beyond 20 weeks) of a young unmarried woman whose partner parted ways after realising she was pregnant. Had the Court rested then, it might have meant relief for one woman who had to go all the way to the top court of the land in order to access what seven other categories of women would have been able to do without legal hassles. While the judgment could have been cited in support of other women in a similar situation, the law retained its flaw, and others would still have had to take the long legal route, and wait upon the discretion of individual judges. Utilising the full, expansive reach of its powers, the Supreme Court has decided to correct the anomaly. A Bench comprising Justices D.Y. Chandrachud and J.B. Pardiwala are considering pronouncing a judgment which would make access to medical abortion a level-playing field. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971 and its Rules, 2003, prohibit unmarried women who are between 20 weeks and 24 weeks pregnant to terminate the pregnancy. The Court’s argument pierced at the heart of the iniquity in the law: if a married woman had access to abortion facilities during the same period, then why should an unmarried woman be prevented from using these services? Exhorting the Government to have a ‘forward-looking interpretation of the law’, the Bench pointed out that the rules mentioned ‘partner’ and not husband.

•If the Supreme Court was feted for taking a liberal view of the law, its act of pushing the envelope further to set right existing anomalies in law is to be celebrated in full measure. At a time when the United States’ Supreme Court’s recent ruling overturning Roe vs Wade has drawn that nation back several decades on the abortion question, India’s apex court’s move stands out in sharp contrast. It is the surest example of the Court’s willingness to be modern and progressive, in order to remove antediluvian inconsistencies in existing laws. It is also in the full spirit of Article 14 of the Constitution that guarantees to all persons equality before the law and equal protection of laws. The law cannot cherry-pick beneficiaries, and if there is to be any justice at all, the antiquated principles on which old Acts were built, cannot continue to frustrate young women who claim autonomy of their own body.

📰 PMLA verdict — due process will be bulldozed

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THE HINDU NEWSPAPER IMPORTANT ARTICLES 09.08.2022

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